In the Anatomy of a Shoot Down

Tomorrow (Friday), Cristina Khuly's documentary, The Shoot Down, will debut in several theaters across Florida. One film reviewer described it as "a powerful, moving and beautifully made piece of cinematic art." And even though this film is about one tragic episode, I think anyone who's interested in the history of US/Cuba relations will benefit in seeing this film. According to the official website, "10 years of research, government documents, transcripts and never-before seen news footage" have been reviewed and collected for the execution of this documentary. I'm certainly looking forward to it. Select theaters from Los Angeles to Chicago will also be screening this film.

The shoot-down of the Brothers to the Rescue (BTTR) planes on February 24, 1996 has been written about extensively. So I will attempt to be brief in providing a summary of the escalation and subsequent events of this tragedy.

Founded in 1991, BTTR sought to use Cessna aircrafts to provide humanitarian relief to stranded Cuban rafters in the Florida Straits. They flew hundreds of rescue missions due to the increase of Cuban rafters fleeing the economic collapse of Cuba's Special Period. The exodus of rafters soon decreased after 1994 when Cuba and the US agreed on terms to stem the flow. The mission of BTTR soon changed from a humanitarian one to a strictly political one.

Thereafter, José Basulto, co-founder of BTTR, decided to exercise civil disobedience with his Cessna by flying into Cuban airspace and over Havana, which he did on two separate occasions (in defiance of internationally agreed standards). By January 1996, after several official warnings by the Cuban government to the US State Department, it was clear that a shoot down of the BTTR planes was eminent. Communication between liaisons of the State Department and the Miami Federal Aviation Administration office revealed increasing concern that the "latest overflight can only be seen as further taunting of the Cuban Government" and that the "[w]orst case scenario is that one of these days the Cubans will shoot down one of these planes."

In coordination and solidarity with a planned dissident conference (by Concilio Cubano) in Cuba , three BTTR planes headed for Cuban airspace on February 24, 1996, but were confronted by Cuban military jets which shot down two of the three Cessnas over international waters. Immediately, the late Jorge Mas Canosa, former chairman of the powerful Cuban American National Foundation, called it an "act of war." Recalling events of that day, Richard Nuccio, President Clinton's "special adviser for Cuba" at the time, said that the President "had considered a memo from the Joint Chiefs of Staff on the options for attacking Cuban air force units and defense structures" as a response. Instead, the President sought to tighten the US embargo.

But, it also became clear that the US was now going to stop any future activity by Miami exile organizations that could be seen as a provocation by the Cuban government. The US was on high alert to stop subsequent exile demonstrations in 1997 and in 1999, even seizing property from one organization that threatened to cause a possible provocation. The US also lessened any hostile rhetoric between the two nations with a 1998 Pentagon report declaring that Cuba does "not pose a significant military threat to the U.S. or to other countries in the region."

Families of the four men who were killed on Feb. 24, 1996 soon won lawsuits and indictments against the Cuban government and those involved with the shoot-down. Millions of dollars were awarded to the families from Cuba's frozen assets, and the indictments were a symbolic victory for the hard-line, who now call for further indictments of Cuba's leaders.

Cristina Khuly, director of The Shoot Down, appeared on Radio Mambi last Tuesday evening (Martha Flores show) and mentioned how important this film is. She felt that this story had to be told to counter other films like The Motorcycle Diaries and other future films about the life of Che Guevara. Khuly appeared on the show with Rep. David Rivera of the Florida House who reminded everyone to see the film and remember why we have an embargo on Cuba. Rep. Rivera sponsored legislation in 2006 that banned state and private dollars being used for academic travel to Cuba by State universities. But, the universities are now fighting back.

But, Khuly hopes the film and its story will lead to constructive negotiations between the U.S. and Cuba in a post-Fidel era.

"I wanted to tell the story, essentially to have a record of what really occurred and have it be a window into our relationship with Cuba, and hopefully we can learn from mistakes that we've made."

[Photo above of Cristina Khuly by Frank Franklin II/AP]

To those who left their country...

I've been wanting to again address a particular post I wrote this past July 16 about the massacre of those on the "13 de Marzo" Tugboat. My post, titled "To Those Who Were Innocent," was based on two reports:

-Amnesty International: The Sinking of the "13 de Marzo" Tugboat on 13 July 1994.

-(OAS) Inter-American Commission on Human Rights: Victims of the Tugboat "13 de Marzo" vs. Cuba.

Furthermore, I sought to not only highlight this traumatic event as a significant moment within Cuban exile identity, but also place it within a grander perspective of trauma that belongs to the many collective identities across the globe. In doing so, I did not aim to minimize the loss of loved ones, but rather point out that such suffering is an emotional bond many in the world share.

After my post, blogger Manuel A. Tellechea wrote a response, which he also posted on his blog. I also took the time to respond as best I could to clarify my position. Comments by Agustin Farinas were also very welcomed and responded to as well. And, I also recently noticed that he made more comments on another blog, to which I will address now with further evidence.

One obstacle in debating issues about Cuba is bias. How do we know its there? And, how sure are we that we are being objective? There are standard ways to do this, such as the method of peer review, or some kind of blind testing. But, if you do not have those methods at your disposal then you can engage in a simple investigative experiment: examine a similar case (the more similar the better) where the parties in dispute are viewed impartially by you, and then compare your judgments with another similar case (maybe one you are partial too).

In my July 16 post, in an attempt to make a comparison, I brought up the massacre of those on Iran Air flight 655. But, there's another example that has recently been brought to attention that I feel is a much better case to examine with and compare to the case of the "13 de Marzo" massacre.

This past May, at least 61 migrants trying to leave their country by sea drowned when their dilapidated boat capsized after being struck by a coast guard boat. Many did not know how to swim and some where devoured by sharks. Upon a government investigation of the incident, which placed no blame on the actions of the coast guard, the families of the victims have buried their loved ones and have yet to see any justice done.

This is the tragic and horrific event of May 4, 2007 where approximately 160 Haitian migrants heading towards the Islands of Turks and Caicos were intercepted by the island's marine police unit, which set upon events that triggered the deaths of approximately 61 Haitians. One can only approximate these numbers given the illegal nature of entry and the lack of any full report by the marine police.

Last week, the Miami Herald published the latest in this tragic event, with the release of the anticipated British report [PDF] on the incident. The many recommendations made to the marine police of the Islands of Turks and Caicos (a British territory) "shall in no case create a presumption of blame or liability." That's because "[t]he main causal factor in this tragic accident was the [dilapidated ship's] inherent lack of stability." And, furthermore, "responsibility for the condition and overloading of the [dilapidated ship], which ultimately let to its capsize and consequential tragic loss of life, rests with those involved in the trafficking of migrants."

Just like the Cuban government blamed those who planned the "trafficking of migrants" on the "13 de Marzo" tugboat, so does the British government redirect the blame in this case of 61 dead Haitians. The British and Cuban lesson to illegal migrants: don't risk your life, stay in your desperate situation at home.

Did the marine police of Turks and Caicos also intend to kill these Haitian migrants, just like it is attributed to the Cuban government in the case of the "13 de Marzo" massacre?

Migrants all over the world suffer from one great curse: apathy. People hardly care for their welfare as they leave one country for another. Amnesty International summarizes:

"Vilified by politicians and the popular media, often subject to discrimination and human rights violations, many migrants continue to live their lives at the margins of societies unwilling or unable to accept or integrate them fully."

In Cuba, those who leave the island suffer such discrimination, mainly due to the Cuban government media, which then allows others to not care at all for their welfare. Thus, they become vulnerable to the same "tragic accidents" that plague many migrants around the world.

But, calling such horrific events "accidents" only explains one side of the story. The other explanation is that these "accidents" result from pure lack of any intention. In other words, there is no thought, worry or feeling involved in the action of the perpetrator.

That's one reason why the US warship Vincennes blew up a plane with almost 300 people in it; why the Turks and Caicos marine police rammed the dilapidated ship with 160 person on board; and why the Cuban coast guard let those women and children drown.

A Miami Herald editorial from July alleged that the Cuban government wanted to send "an enduring lesson" through the massacre to all Cubans who wished to leave the island. But, this theory doesn't seem credible since the Cuban government, already knowing that many Cubans were leaving anyway during the Special Period, eventually allowed illegal emigration from the island. Why plan a lesson that would never be learned?

- Three weeks after the tragedy off Turks and Caicos, another group of Haitians were found trying to enter the islands. "There is no money, no work," they say in Haiti. "Things are worse now."

- Days after the tragedy, the Haitian survivors were not allowed to talk to the press about how their boat was rammed by the marine police. About how they yelled "God help me!" They were kept in a detention center barred from journalists and only spoke through a Haitian official who said they were "angry and revolted."

- Some Haitians in Miami were angered too and couldn't sleep. The bodies recovered off Turks and Caicos were eventually sent back to Haiti, where they were all buried in a common grave, some without a name or a relative to remember them by.

- In 2005, the UN's Global Commission on International Migration recommended "the need for greater coherence, cooperation and capacity to achieve a more effective governance of international migration."

"God will welcome each one of you, our compatriots. You should not have had to take to the seas and leave your country."


- Rev. Hubert Constant, the archbishop of Cap-Haitien

To those who were innocent...

This past Friday marked a day painfully etched in the collective memory of some Cuban-Americans: The Massacre of the 13th of March Tugboat.

For those who wish to know more about this horrible event can check two very thorough reports by:

- Amnesty International: The Sinking of the "13 de Marzo" Tugboat on 13 July 1994.

- (OAS) Inter-American Commission on Human Rights: Victims of the Tugboat "13 de Marzo" vs. Cuba.

Approximately thirteen years ago, on July 13, 1994, 72 Cubans emigrating their island nation, on a dilapidated tugboat named "13 de Marzo", were confronted at sea by Cuban authorities who proceeded to ram the stranded tugboat and use water cannons. 41 lives were lost.

According to Amnesty International:

"While acknowledging that those on board the '13 de Marzo' had committed a crime by stealing the tugboat, there is no evidence to suggest that they were armed or that they were in a position to offer any serious resistance to the pursuing vessels. Indeed, from many of the survivors’ accounts, it appears that their pleas to surrender and to be rescued may have been deliberately ignored. Amnesty International has therefore concluded that at the very least the force employed by the pursuing vessels to prevent the departure of the '13 de Marzo' was disproportionate to the nature of the crime, especially taking into account the risk to the lives of those on board the '13 de Marzo' who included women and children. The Cuban authorities have argued that those on board the pursuing vessels were dock workers acting on their own initiative and not government or law enforcement officials. However, several of the survivors have doubted this assertion and have alleged that the whole operation appeared to be coordinated and directed by radio from a coast guard vessel. The Cuban coast guard service falls under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of the Interior. Amnesty International believes that there is sufficient evidence to indicate that it was an official operation and that, if events occurred in the way described by several of the survivors, those who died as a result of the incident were victims of extrajudicial execution."

The Cuban government has stood firm in denying any responsibility for this event, and has also failed to conduct an impartial investigation in the face of international condemnation.

One of the most disappointing aspects of this event is the how the Cuban government and its information sources reported the incident:

"On 14 July 1994, the day after the tragedy, Granma, the official Communist Party newspaper, in an article entitled 'Capsized Tugboat robbed by Anti-Social Elements' described what happened as an 'irresponsible act of piracy promoted and stimulated by counter-revolutionary radio stations, the most reactionary elements of the [Cuban exile] nest of maggots in Miami, and by the well-known failure of the United States to abide by migration agreements.'"

This is language more suited for Saturday nights on Radio Mambi.

There are few words to say about such horrendous events, especially when there are powerful obstacles to find the truth.

"Speaking to the broken and the dead is too difficult for a mouth full of blood. Too holy an act for impure thoughts. Because the dead are free, absolute; they cannot be seduced by blitz. To speak to you [...] I must not claim false intimacy or summon an overheated heart glazed just in time for a camera. I must be steady and I must be clear, knowing all the time that I have nothing to say-no words stronger than the steel that pressed you into itself; no scripture older or more elegant than the ancient atoms you have become."

"The Dead of September 11"
By Toni Morrison
Written September 13, 2001

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July also happens to mark another great tragedy.

On July 3, 1988, a US Navy warship Vincennes in the Persian Gulf shot down an Iranian civilian passenger jet (Iran Air 655) after apparently mistaking it for an F-14 fighter.

Of the 290 passengers and crew killed, most were pilgrims heading toward Mecca. Iran said that the radio signals of the aircraft could not be mistaken for a fighter jet, and that "[t]he tragic downing of the passenger aircraft was only an example of the many crimes committed by the American Government against the Iranian people."

More facts here and here.

This post is dedicated to all innocent men, women and children who have died mercilessly and whose relatives have not yet seen justice.